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	<title type="text">Paul Benjamin Osterlund | The Verge</title>
	<subtitle type="text">The Verge is about technology and how it makes us feel. Founded in 2011, we offer our audience everything from breaking news to reviews to award-winning features and investigations, on our site, in video, and in podcasts.</subtitle>

	<updated>2018-04-30T15:41:34+00:00</updated>

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		<entry>
			
			<author>
				<name>Paul Benjamin Osterlund</name>
			</author>
			
			<title type="html"><![CDATA[Turkey marks one year without Wikipedia]]></title>
			<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.theverge.com/2018/4/30/17302142/wikipedia-ban-turkey-one-year-anniversary" />
			<id>https://www.theverge.com/2018/4/30/17302142/wikipedia-ban-turkey-one-year-anniversary</id>
			<updated>2018-04-30T11:41:34-04:00</updated>
			<published>2018-04-30T11:41:34-04:00</published>
			<category scheme="https://www.theverge.com" term="Policy" />
							<summary type="html"><![CDATA[When the Turkish government suddenly banned Wikipedia in late April last year, it came as little surprise to many people in the country. Access to platforms including Twitter, Facebook, Instagram, YouTube, and WhatsApp have been periodically restricted in Turkey numerous times since 2014, particularly after tumultuous events like mass demonstrations, suicide bomb attacks, or the [&#8230;]]]></summary>
			
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<p>When the Turkish government suddenly banned Wikipedia in late April last year, it came as little surprise to many people in the country. Access to platforms including Twitter, Facebook, Instagram, YouTube, and WhatsApp have been periodically restricted in Turkey numerous times since 2014, particularly after tumultuous events like mass demonstrations, suicide bomb attacks, or the failed coup attempt in July 2016. What&rsquo;s strange is that the ban stayed. As of this Sunday, Wikipedia has been blocked in the country for a full year.</p>

<p>Authorities said the ban was instituted when Wikipedia declined to take down content alleging that Turkey had provided support for terrorist groups. Since the ban, all language versions of the site have been inaccessible to Turkish IP addresses; a screen saying that the browser cannot make a secure connection to the server comes up when trying to reach the site.</p>
<figure class="wp-block-pullquote alignleft"><blockquote><p>Wikipedia’s traffic in Turkey plummeted by 90 percent in the months after the ban</p></blockquote></figure>
<p>The <a href="https://wikimediafoundation.org/wiki/Home">Wikimedia Foundation</a> has been lobbying to restore access in the country. &ldquo;We have asked Turkish courts to review the block, and have engaged in a series of discussions with Turkish authorities,&rdquo; Samantha Lien, the Wikimedia Foundation&rsquo;s communications manager, tells <em>The Verge. </em>She adds that the company&rsquo;s appeal has been under review of the Constitutional Court of Turkey for close to a year. Wikipedia&rsquo;s traffic in Turkey plummeted by 90 percent in the months after the ban, Lien says.</p>

<p>The site&rsquo;s absence has had a major impact on Turkish society and its ability to access information, says Alp Toker, founder of the digital rights group <a href="https://turkeyblocks.org/">Turkey Blocks</a>, which keeps tabs on internet censorship in the country.</p>

<p>&ldquo;The Wikipedia block is certainly part of a wider trend toward control of information online in Turkey. You have to look at the impact: 365 days without access to the world&rsquo;s largest information resource and the ability to amend or correct information held within that resource,&rdquo; Toker tells <em>The Verge</em>. The ban followed a crackdown that escalated after the July 2016 coup attempt. Since then, over 150 media outlets have been shut down by the government, and only a few critical newspapers and channels remain.</p>

<p>As President Recep Tayyip Erdo&#287;an seeks to maintain his tight grip on power, he has also worked to curtail internet freedom in Turkey. &ldquo;The country had one of the three largest declines in our index last year due to the repeated suspension of telecommunications networks and social media access, as well as sweeping arrests for political speech online,&rdquo; Adrian Shahbaz, research manager for Freedom House&rsquo;s <a href="https://freedomhouse.org/report-types/freedom-net">Freedom on the Net</a>, tells <em>The Verge</em>. (The other two countries are Egypt and Ukraine.) Lien says that Turkey&rsquo;s ban on Wikipedia is the most comprehensive in the world; even China permits access to non-Chinese language versions of the site. &nbsp;</p>

<p>Toker argues that the Turkish government is shooting itself in the foot by continuing to restrict access to Wikipedia. &ldquo;Essentially, Turkey has handed over editorial control of Wikipedia to its loudest critics and foreign interests abroad. Hence, the narrative about Turkey&rsquo;s history, culture, and politics is today being written by outsiders who are even more critical than the country&rsquo;s own citizens whose voices are now denied,&rdquo; Toker says.</p>
<figure class="wp-block-pullquote alignleft"><blockquote><p>Turkey’s ban on Wikipedia is the most comprehensive in the world; even China permits access to non-Chinese language versions of the site</p></blockquote></figure>
<p>People can access Wikipedia in Turkey through a VPN, but VPNs are often sluggish, unreliable, and incompatible with many sites, forcing the user to switch back and forth constantly when using Wikipedia alongside the rest of the internet. And Toker doesn&rsquo;t recommend using unofficial mirrors for the site as the authenticity of their articles cannot be verified.</p>

<p>&ldquo;Turkey&rsquo;s year-long ban on Wikipedia reflects the lengths the government will go to censor unfavorable news. Time after time, Turkish courts and administrative agencies have taken unnecessary and disproportionate steps to curtail the fundamental rights of Turkish citizens,&rdquo; Shahbaz says.</p>

<p>Meanwhile, all Wikipedia can do is attempt to generate public interest about its plight in Turkey. In March, it unveiled the #WeMissTurkey campaign, where the site shared Turkish history and culture-related content on its Twitter account and collaborated with Turkish artists to create <a href="https://meta.wikimedia.org/wiki/Communications/WeMissTurkey/en#Posters">posters </a>featuring the phrase.</p>

<p>&ldquo;We reached more than 17 million people on social media across 200,000 responses from people around the world expressing the loss of knowledge and perspective we all suffer as a result of the block of Wikipedia in Turkey,&rdquo; says Lien. Wikipedia&rsquo;s Facebook profile picture still features the words &ldquo;We miss Turkey&rdquo; pasted over its logo.</p>

<p>Despite Wikimedia&rsquo;s efforts, it&rsquo;s unlikely the ban will be overturned anytime soon, particularly in light of the early elections that were called for this June, over a year ahead of schedule. Toker and his colleagues are working on a <a href="https://netblocks.org/projects/cost">system</a> that determines how internet censorship negatively affects the economy, hoping a financial argument might have sway.</p>

<p>&ldquo;We need to get the message through to the decision makers that free expression online is good for society and good for business,&rdquo; Toker says.</p>
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			<entry>
			
			<author>
				<name>Paul Benjamin Osterlund</name>
			</author>
			
			<title type="html"><![CDATA[How a secretive, unknown smartphone app became the center of Turkey’s post-coup crackdown]]></title>
			<link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="https://www.theverge.com/2018/2/28/17059806/turkey-overthrow-attempt-coup-bylock-app" />
			<id>https://www.theverge.com/2018/2/28/17059806/turkey-overthrow-attempt-coup-bylock-app</id>
			<updated>2018-02-28T10:23:34-05:00</updated>
			<published>2018-02-28T10:23:34-05:00</published>
			<category scheme="https://www.theverge.com" term="Policy" /><category scheme="https://www.theverge.com" term="Security" /><category scheme="https://www.theverge.com" term="Tech" />
							<summary type="html"><![CDATA[Hamdullah faithfully served his country in the Turkish Armed Forces for more than two decades before retiring as a specialist sergeant. Needless to say, Hamdullah, who requested we only use his first name, was shocked when he suddenly found himself jailed upon suspicion of being a member of a terrorist organization in April of last [&#8230;]]]></summary>
			
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<p>Hamdullah faithfully served his country in the Turkish Armed Forces for more than two decades before retiring as a specialist sergeant. Needless to say, Hamdullah, who requested we only use his first name, was shocked when he suddenly found himself jailed upon suspicion of being a member of a terrorist organization in April of last year.</p>

<p>The charges were based on an unusual piece of evidence: the apparent presence of the messaging app ByLock on Hamdullah&rsquo;s phone. In September 2017, Turkish courts ruled that having the app was sufficient proof to link one to a network made up of followers of the controversial Islamic cleric Fethullah G&uuml;len, a Turkish national that has lived in Pennsylvania for nearly two decades. The government insists that the G&uuml;len organization was behind a July 2016 coup attempt.</p>

<p>The aborted coup was a disturbing, nearly unbelievable affair. Tanks rumbled over Istanbul&rsquo;s main bridge spanning the Bosphorus, while jets bombed the parliament in the capital of Ankara. F-16&rsquo;s zoomed low, creating sonic booms that were initially thought to be explosions. More than 260 were killed before the coup was squelched. The government was quick to blame the followers of G&uuml;len. Once allies of President Recep Tayyip Erdo&#287;an, by early 2014 G&uuml;lenists were full-blown enemies of the state, and the government started branding G&uuml;len&rsquo;s followers as the Fethullah Terror Organization, or FET&Ouml;.</p>
<figure class="wp-block-pullquote alignleft"><blockquote><p>The aborted coup was a disturbing, nearly unbelievable affair</p></blockquote></figure>
<p>In response to the coup attempt, Erdo&#287;ans government instituted a brutal crackdown, in which more 50,000 people were arrested and more than twice that many removed from their jobs in state institutions.</p>

<p>Many of those arrests and dismissals hinged on a previously unheard-of app called ByLock, which Turkish courts have since determined to be adequate evidence for membership in FET&Ouml;. ByLock was released in March 2014 and registered under the name of David Keynes, a naturalized US citizen of Turkish origin who had changed his name. <a href="http://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/bylock-use-is-an-evidence-of-gulen-network-links-owner-105284">Keynes has said</a> the app was developed by his old roommate, a G&uuml;lenist known as &ldquo;The Fox.&rdquo; The app was available on a variety of platforms until it was shuttered in early 2016. A standard messaging application along the lines of WhatsApp, ByLock lacks the end-to-end encryption of that popular program.</p>

<p>The app was actually used as a means of communication between G&uuml;lenists. &ldquo;Think about a software that has more than 100,000 users but no one knows about it. The G&uuml;lenists use Twitter actively and we only found three tweets about it. So it was definitely covertly distributed among the group for a purpose,&rdquo; digital forensics engineer and expert witness Tuncay Be&#351;ik&ccedil;i told <em>The Verge</em>.</p>

<p>But even if possession of the ByLock app was reasonable evidence that the phone&rsquo;s owner was a G&uuml;lenist, the ByLock witch hunt ensnared thousands of innocent individuals who had never interacted with the app at all. That included Hamdullah, who had never used ByLock; he didn&rsquo;t even have the app on his phone. &ldquo;From the moment I was arrested, I was astonished at what was happening to me,&rdquo; he told <em>The Verge</em>.</p>

<p>Hamdullah was put behind bars in April 2017 and subsequently stripped of his status as a retired military personnel.</p>

<p>The long list of innocent victims also included people like the self-described anarchist and atheist Ishak Tayak, who was arrested in October 2017 on suspicion of using the app. Tayak swore that he had no connection to any religious organization and rejected the charges against him. Journalist Fatma Karaa&#287;a&ccedil; was fired from her job as a sports presenter on the mainstream Habert&uuml;rk channel in March 2017 following allegations that she&rsquo;d used ByLock. She was subjected to harassment from trolls on social media who called her a terrorist and a spy. Semih Babacan, a public school teacher in the southeastern province of Urfa and member of the leftist teachers union E&#287;itim Sen, was booted from his job in February 2017, though he wasn&rsquo;t told why. He eventually found out it was due to the suspicion that he was a ByLock user. To make ends meet, Babacan found work as an assistant at an auto repair shop run by a relative.</p>
<figure class="wp-block-pullquote alignleft"><blockquote><p>“From the moment I was arrested I was astonished at what was happening to me.”</p></blockquote></figure>
<p>Emre &#304;per was another innocent victim of the purge. &#304;per is an accountant for the secular, opposition <em>Cumhuriyet</em> daily newspaper, known for its long critical stance against both Erdo&#287;an&rsquo;s AKP and the G&uuml;lenists. &#304;per was arrested in April of last year on suspicion of being a ByLock user, charges which he vigorously denied. Prior to &#304;per&rsquo;s hearing in last October, <em>Cumhuriyet</em> approached digital forensics expert Be&#351;ik&ccedil;i, who was among a small number of experts who began to recognize a pattern in the ByLock arrests. Be&#351;ik&ccedil;i, a <a href="http://www.computertrainingschools.com/isc2-certifications/ccfp/">Certified Cyber Forensics Professional (CCFP)</a>, has worked with both prosecutors and defense lawyers on high-profile trials. For months, he has found himself embroiled in analyzing the app, becoming an authority on the subject.</p>

<p>Be&#351;ik&ccedil;i analyzed &#304;per&rsquo;s phone, and though he found no trace of the ByLock app, he did find a music app called Freezy. An app similar to Spotify, Freezy was one of a number of apps that a digital expert in Ankara eventually determined were actually redirecting users to the ByLock server, making it seem like they had used the program even if it wasn&rsquo;t on their phones. The group of apps is known as &ldquo;Purple Brain&rdquo; and included Freezy, a German-Turkish dictionary app, and a used car sales app, among others. &nbsp;</p>

<p>This diversion, according to Be&#351;ik&ccedil;i, was a calculated trap set by the software engineer behind the Purple Brain apps &mdash;&nbsp;a G&uuml;lenist who once worked for the Scientific and Technological Research Council of Turkey (T&Uuml;BITAK) &mdash;&nbsp;in order to water down the pool of ByLock users and disguise actual G&uuml;lenists.</p>

<p>Other victims began to send Be&#351;ik&ccedil;i their IP records and phones. Be&#351;ik&ccedil;i, a lawyer, and another digital forensics expert were also was able to get the attention of prosecutors, who set up a technical team in Ankara. A budget was reserved for Be&#351;ik&ccedil;i and his colleagues, and they started investigating all the IP records of the victims.</p>

<p>Through his research, Be&#351;ik&ccedil;i also determined that another set of apps, one which pointed toward Mecca and another displaying the five daily Islamic prayer times, had redirected users to the ByLock servers.</p>

<p>On December 27th, Ankara prosecutors revealed that 11,480 people had been wrongfully accused of using ByLock because of redirect measures. &#304;per and Hamdullah were among thousands released from jail or returned to their jobs after their names were cleared. Hamdullah&rsquo;s retired military personnel status was returned on January 12th, and he was officially acquitted of the charges against him on January 30th.</p>
<figure class="wp-block-pullquote alignleft"><blockquote><p>11,480 people had been wrongfully accused of using Bylock because of redirect measures</p></blockquote></figure>
<p>When journalist Fatma Karaa&#287;a&ccedil; found out her name was on the list of the falsely accused, she fired off a defiant tweet at her former employer: &ldquo;@Haberturk Want to report on this?&rdquo; she wrote. Anarchist Ishak Tayak was released from prison after two and a half months of incarceration, and public school teacher Babacan had his job officially reinstated in January. &nbsp;&nbsp;</p>

<p>Though thousands of people have been vindicated, released from jail, reunited with their families, returned to their jobs, and have had their reputations restored, the trauma is evident. <em>The Verge </em>contacted numerous innocent victims for this story, and all but Hamdullah declined to speak about their experiences.</p>

<p>And while it was the Turkish judiciary, under the thumb of Erdo&#287;an and his AK Party, that ultimately accused thousands of using an application they had never heard of, falsely imprisoning them, and, at least temporarily, ruining their lives, their anger seems to be primarily directed at the G&uuml;lenists, who they believe set them up.</p>

<p>&ldquo;The victims, if you ask them who is responsible, why were they in prison, they will blame FET&Ouml;. But the government also made some mistakes while analyzing this group,&rdquo; Be&#351;ik&ccedil;i said.</p>

<p>Meanwhile, Be&#351;ik&ccedil;i still has his hands full and is in contact with people who may have been falsely determined to have used ByLock but did not appear on the initial list of more than 11,000. He vows to continue working around the clock until all the names of the innocent are cleared. &nbsp;</p>
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